Wednesday, 27 August 2025

A Resolution Budget Solution?

Just Read It

One of the great disappointments of Starmer's Labour Government is the way it has tackled its budget. If growth were the prime objective, then there have been too many ill-conceived decisions by the Chancellor. Rachel Reeves has a tendency to follow treasury orthodoxy and an unwillingness to devolve decisions to departments or localities, who have a far better knowledge of what works. The chancellor, like Gordon Brown, seems to believe that leadership is about making decisions herself. She has an autocratic leadership style that is inflexible and has resulted in heavy criticism from not only the right-wing press but also businesses and many Labour MPs. Too many decisions are constraining other key objectives of the government, such as child poverty, climate action, international aid and employment growth. 

Existing taxation regimes are made ever more complex when what is needed is simplification. A decluttering of the stupidity of many VAT rules and the regressive outcome of the dual impact of income tax and national insurance systems, which should be integrated. Thousands of accountancy firms exist to find loopholes for the better off in a taxation system that is far from progressive even before the annual dance off between HMRC and the said accountancy firms. 

So I was greatly encouraged when Torsten Bell was recruited to work with the Treasury team on economic policy. Torsten Bell had worked with Alistair Darling during the last Labour Government when he made significant progress on firing up the economy after the 2008 Financial Crisis. His initiatives were scrapped by George Osborne when he introduced his austerity measures. Bell subsequently worked successfully as the CEO of the Resolution Foundation until being elected as an MP for Swansea. He published a book last year, Great Britain? How we get our Future back. that set out his views on what we needed to do to get Broken Britain moving again. His chapters on taxation, housing, benefits, decentralising power and increasing public investment are particularly apposite, but not aligned with Rachel Reeves' playlist of actions. It will be a real boost for Labour's so-called agenda for 'change' if Torsten Bell can convince the inflexible chancellor to do just that.

Monday, 25 August 2025

Time to reset the United Nations

When we hear the Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, say he is horrified about what is happening in Gaza, we realise that the UK is a busted flush. He has been uttering similar sentiments for quite a while, but he has not even had the temerity to stop the sale of weapons to Israel or to call out the Israeli Government for genocide. Unlike the former Supreme Court Judge, Lord Sumption, who made a methodical justification of Genocide in Gaza or the International Association of Genocide Scholars, who state that the death of 65,000 people during the 22-month-long war meets the legal definition laid out in the UN Convention on genocide. This follows similar statements by two Israeli human rights organisations.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which has 15,000 staff in Palestine, has been prevented from providing humanitarian aid to Gaza, including medicines, since the second of March 2025. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Gutierrez, has made it clear that Israel is acting beyond its powers and that this is the first occasion that any country has suspended operations of the United Nations organisations. This raises the wider question about how the United Nations is able to make decisions and how it is perceived in the world in 2025. Things have changed dramatically since the arrival of Donald Trump as the President for his second term. He clearly has no time for the United Nations and has made it evident that he is the supreme power in determining what action should be taken in the world's trouble spots. 

This is made possible by the constitution of the United Nations, which established a Supreme Council with the United States, Russia, Great Britain, France and China as the permanent members.. They have veto rights to prevent UN actions. This may have been appropriate at the end of the Second World War when the United Nations was formed, but with 193 countries signed up to the United Nations charter (see below) and the growth of member nations over the years, the question has to be asked: why do these five countries have the ability to prevent actions from being taken? This has been to Israel's benefit, which is a member of the United Nations and receives unbridled support from the United States. Unlike Palestine, which has been refused entry, its delegates are allowed only as observers. The United States is now refusing to let them enter the country, which is the administrative HQ of the UN. 

This is the second occasion that the United States has scuppered a worldwide peacekeeping organisation. Previously, it was largely responsible for the demise of the League of Nations, which was established in 1919 by the Treaty of Versailles following the First World War. Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, was a key player in its formation but failed to gain ratification from the Republicans in the Senate. The thirty-two nations that joined the League of Nations, which was headquartered in Geneva, depended on member states to provide peacekeeping forces. These were difficult to mobilise without the resources of the United States,. Great Britain and France, the other leading nations in it’s creation were struggling to recover from the Great War. As a result, the League of Nations was unable to prevent the violation of its rules by fascist regimes in Japan and Italy, which invaded Manchuria and Ethiopia, respectively. Hitler's Germany invaded over twenty countries, and the  USSR invaded Finland.  The major powers did not have the inclination to challenge these violations and instead began to rearm as the  Second World War became inevitable.

It would appear that President Trump has no desire for the United States to facilitate action by the United Nations and has used its veto with increasing impunity. It has withdrawn from the World Health Organisation, the UN Human Rights Council, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and reduced foreign aid to UN agencies on the assertion that they are not in the United States' national interest.

Equally, Russia and China have used their veto to prevent UN interventions in countries that could be considered their satellites. Great Britain and France are there for their historical reasons, and until recently have tended to support the United States' lead. The United Nations has not reviewed its charter since 1973, since when the world has changed dramatically. There are currently 61 active conflicts, the most since 1946 and over 60,000 peacekeepers are deployed from 115 member states. In light of current conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine and the withdrawal of involvement by the United States, several questions must be asked:

  • Why is the United Nations still located in the United States, a country that is shameless in protecting its own self interest ? 
  • Should it not be located in a more neutral and stable country, which is less concerned about its own power and more concerned about securing peace across the world? 
  • Why should five countries have a veto? 
  • Should it not be for the Security Council, currently 15 countries, to pass motions with a two-thirds majority?
  • Should the composition of the Security Council be expanded to ten permanent members, with the additional 5 representations coming from South America, Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Oceania? Together with ten rotating members, this would create a Security Council of 20 members, none with a veto.
  • Is there any reason to exclude Palestine from membership?

The Purposes of the United Nations are:
  1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
  2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
  3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and
  4. To be a centre for harmonising the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.

Friday, 22 August 2025

David Hume

 David Hume Tribute, 15 August 2025

 

Comrades, we are here today to think about David. To understand his curiosity, revere his intellect, enjoy his zest for life and spiky humour and remember his glorious idiosyncrasies.

 

In 1980, David had just completed a Master’s degree at the University of Wales Institute, Swansea. He applied for posts in my team that was responsible for Strategic Planning in the Strathclyde Region. He was one of 70 or so applicants. His application was detailed and meticulous; I short-leeted him without hesitation. At the interview, he was smartly turned out, engagingly polite and articulate, and he was knowledgeable and positive about our work. He was wooing the Depute Director, who was nominally in charge, but also giving me vibes about his commitment to social justice. He was a shoo-in for a post; I felt I had won the jackpot. In a recent email from David reflecting on his appointment, he said, “I was appointed on a Graduate Trainee Grade; I never took much notice of the actual salary. I was just thrilled to bits to be working for Strathclyde, and eventually, I squirmed my way up the greasy pole to higher levels.” On reflection, “these were the most satisfying days of my career.” 

 

He had joined a team of radical baby boomers; we were all in our twenties and had been gifted the responsibility to shape the development policies of Strathclyde Region, then half of Scotland’s population. We were led by some outstanding politicians who had a vision and determination to tackle the industrial and social decline of Glasgow and its region. As a team, we were committed to social justice, an end to paternalistic public services, community engagement and real ale. We challenged hierarchies and departmental silos, and we ignored moribund administrative procedures. In turn, we were regarded as disruptors by the embedded Directors and Depute Directors. 

 

Our unique selling point was that we were also collaborators, and David was one of the best. His confidence acquired at Heriots, his sense of entitlement nurtured at St Andrew’s University, the fieriness inculcated by his student days in Wales, along with his innate intelligence, allowed him to forge relationships with like-minded professionals across all departments as well as politicians. His desire and determination to tackle poverty and health improvement were as hardwired as his support for Hearts. 

 

David had many other qualities: an inner light, an intense curiosity, and a caustic wit that begat a wicked sense of humour. This could be brutal, but it was twinned with an infectious chuckling laugh that made you forgive him. Before David’s arrival, we had given politicians the evidence to abandon new town growth and focus on urban regeneration and to switch transport spending from roads to public transport. We had persuaded education and social work management to allocate resources according to need, not demand. David was passionate that we should now focus on poverty, health and well-being. He was fanatical about analysing and presenting empirical evidence to justify change; he was an influencer, like his famous namesake.  

 

He forged strong links with the Greater Glasgow Health Board to plot the distribution of GPs in relation to population and found there was little correlation. In the 1980s, Primary Care, like Pharmacies, Dentists, and Banks, was largely absent in the most deprived areas. We made a presentation to Greater Glasgow’s Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Sir Kenneth Calman. It resulted in a programme of new health centres that popped up in the housing schemes and inner-city regeneration areas. 

 

David researched variations in life expectancy across the Health Board area and found immense differences that directly correlated to the levels of deprivation. He compared Drumchapel and Bearsden, a mile apart, but with a 13-year gap in life expectancy. His presentation showcased his artistic bent; he created a horizontal bar chart with Drumchapel and Bearsden shown as two cigarettes. The short Drumchapel cigarette (short life) had a long ash to represent many years with a poor quality of life. Bearden was a far longer cigarette with a short ash. Life was good for far longer in Bearsden. David had nuanced the message that ‘adding life to years’ is probably more important than ‘adding years to life’. 

 

Next up, plumbo-solvency, David mapped where lead pipes existed in Glasgow - almost entirely in the areas of deprivation. It can harm mothers and unborn children and affect the mental development of children. We presented the findings to the Depute Director of Water, who was horrified. He immediately reprioritised the Water capital programme to eradicate the lead pipes in these areas. Along with the switch to public transport, this was another brick in the wall of infrastructure justice.

 

David had adapted to life in Glasgow; he had established a network of colleagues and friends from across the Council and other agencies – community workers, social workers, welfare rights officers, water engineers, accountants, health professionals, police officers and councillors. He had the advantage of coming from Edinburgh, so when asked who he supported, he replied Hearts. The weegies laughed; he was no threat to the old firm supporters. By this time, David had ingested another personality trait, the brutal humour of Glasgow. (David would have chuckled that Hearts were sitting on top of the league above the old firm on the day of his funeral.)  He bought a flat in the most deprived part of Glasgow, Bridgeton, handy for Glasgow Green, the Barras and the People's Palace. It gave him kudos with the social workers, teachers and doctors who may have shared his social conscience but lived in the West End and Shawlands. 

 

David’s analysis of public service provision showed the unintended consequences of Scotland’s post-war policies of New Towns and large housing schemes. The failure of the Scottish Office, Councils, Health Boards and other public bodies to shift resources to where they could eradicate poverty, increase opportunities, and improve the quality of life had resulted in the worst urban deprivation in the UK.  He took this knowledge and his diagnostic skills to Lothian Regional Council. 

 

I kept in regular touch with David as his career flourished in Lothian, Edinburgh and then as the Chief Executive of Scottish Borders. We both ended up as Chief Executives, and we arranged joint learning sessions between our Management Teams. We would phone each other and discuss wicked issues as they arose. David’s ambition was to make the Borders more Scandinavian. He admired that they had a far lower Gini coefficient (a measure of a country’s inequality) than the UK. He drove a Saab, read Henning Mankell’s novels and fantasised over Borgen and the Bridge; he holidayed in Denmark. I always expected him to erect a mermaid outside the Council Offices at St Boswells. 

 

David was a poly hobbyist, I’m not sure there is such a word, but it would fit. He was a high achiever, a walking thesaurus. His writing skills were exemplary, his reports could move opinions by his deft use of words that had a feeling, freshness, ambiguity and mischievous innuendo. Making a list of David’s eclectic hobbies is a smorgasbord of activities and interests. As well as motor bikes and small- bore rifle shooting, handy if you want to get on the Police Scotland Board, he was also into cycling, archery, jazz, folk music, bubble cars, opera, classical music, art, philosophy, geography, Edinburgh, France, good food, Welsh politics, winnebagos, podcasts, BBC Radio and Scandi everything, particularly that yellow Porsche in the Bridge. 

 

After retiring, David took on work including being on the Board of Police Scotland and a group commissioned by the Welsh Labour Party that produced a report on Radical Federalism published in 2021. He carried out assignments for other councils and performed performance appraisals of chief executives. He was involved in the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and an avid follower of politics. 

 

He became an active member of the Mercat Group of former Chief Executives. We bonded during COVID on Friday night Zoom meets. We wrote papers, produced videos of lessons and events from our lived experiences. David can be seen and heard in full flow on the Knowledge Hub. We ranted about the government’s response to Covid, slipped the light fandango and had silly competitions. What was your favourite car? What would make a good national anthem for Scotland? David always liked to win and would submit exquisitely constructed entries. His best car was a Heinkel, a German bubble car that looked like the cockpit of a fighter plane but with three wheels instead of wings. David bought one in his final year at school and told us with the innocence of an ageing boomer that as he cruised past Gillespie’s girls’ school, he received cheers and lustful looks from the girls. This was Tinder for a baby boomer.

 

Our entries for a new National anthem included “a wee doch and dorit” by Harry Lauder, “Hermless” by Michael Marra, and Gerry Rafferty’s “Get it Right Next Time”. David was incandescent with rage. He sent us an email:

What a folly it would be to open up the selection of a new National Anthem to the suggestions from the lumpen proletariat. The choice of a new anthem should be made by people of taste and discernment. With that in mind, my proposal is that the concert overture ‘The Land of the Mountain and the Flood’ composed by Hamish McCunn, is adopted as the new National Anthem for Scotland. Gerry Rafferty won. “Get it Right Next Time” is an essential Scottish Idiom!

 

David’s love of music led him to be invited to join a choir by one of his former Strathclyde colleagues. The choir organised regular singing courses in France and the north of England. He found his singing voice and became a soloist during performances at these events. He became the darling of the women members who enjoyed his talent, his friendliness and wry sense of humour. It was a reprise of his bubble car days.

 

David helped organise twice-yearly reunions of the Strathclyde team; our last meeting had been the 50th anniversary of the team being formed. Ten of us turned up, nine with bus passes; David came by car and received a parking ticket. Just before he left for France, he phoned to tell me the reunion for June was postponed. As always, our discussion drifted to current affairs, books we had read and podcasts worth a listen. Then on to the disruptions of Trump and how the centralised decision-making of Westminster and Holyrood not only lacked pace. It failed to tackle the wicked issues like taxation, devolving power and social care. They had strangled local democracy, ignored local knowledge and geographies and failed to harness the latent energy and innovation of our communities and businesses. 

 

Councils had been too docile in letting this happen. Our endorphins had kicked in, and we segued into reasons why taxation, benefits, housing and climate action needed some progressive disruption. A step change to eliminate the inordinate delays, short-termism, treasury rules and big corporate lobbying. Far more decisions must be devolved to the local level, where real knowledge, innovation and community energy would drive progress. Centralisation had been the modus operandi of Holyrood as well as Westminster and needed to be reversed. We were coasting along to an epiphany or overdosing on the euphoria of hope. We agreed to produce a paper on ‘disruption for revitalising local democracy’ when David returned. It appealed to our baby boomer instincts; we had been serial disrupters, and the fires of vision were still flickering.

 

David’s mission in life had been to gather evidence, challenge conventional thinking and collaborate with others to address poverty and achieve a more just and fair society. This required hard evidence, exemplars, collaboration, friendship, and a wee bit of humour. Perhaps we should gather David’s thoughts and draft a treatise that captures his vision for a more locally democratic, innovative and responsive way of delivering public services.

 

Claire, Katie and Lyndsey, we are celebrating the contribution your dad made to public services. We know he committed a lot of time to this, and we were responsible for exploiting his unfailing desire to improve outcomes for people and places. In our recent conversations, he spoke with emotion, sharing his immense love and pride in you all and what you had achieved. He dearly wished he had been able to spend more time with you. 



Monday, 18 August 2025

Fisherfield: Gregor's Big Adventure

Shenavall Bothy on arrival at sunset 

Beinn Dearg Mhor, my favourite Corbett

Fisherfield Five(Six) Route
Monday, 18 August 2025

I received a phone call at 7am. Gregor had spent the night in the Shenaval Bothy, in Fisherfield, after driving up on Sunday afternoon. He had run the Scottish Half Marathon in Musselburgh, coming third in a respectable 1 hour 9 minutes, and then driven 225 miles to Dundonnell, where he walked into Shenavall. He wanted to know the best way up Beinn a' Chlaidheimh, the recently deleted Munro that was the first of the original six Fisherfield Mountains to be climbed today. I had told him that it was a better route than the direct slog up to Am Briseadh. Beinn a' Chlaidheimh is a wonderful viewpoint, although it requires navigating some crags on the ascent. He had got that far but had not downloaded a route for the Fisherfield round. Could I send him one? Nowhere entices me more than Fisherfield, so I plotted a route based on my memory of five previous rounds in these spectacular mountains and sent it via WhatsApp. Gregor sent me photos as he whipped around Fisherfield and still had time to drive the 220 miles home. The photos are his.

I had hoped to reprise a walk around Fisherfield earlier this year with John, but the aches in my hips and legs had made even my daily local hills a struggle, so I had to pass. Fisherfield had been my first two-day expedition during my first Munro round in 1990. On a glorious May Bank holiday, we had driven up, climbed An Teallach, slept in the Shenavall Bothy and then climbed the six hills that Gregor was doing today. in the same clockwise direction. They took 12 hours, including the walk out to Corrie Hallie and back to Dundonnell. All food had been sold in the hotel, but they made some sandwiches for us whilst we rehydrated with some beers. We camped on the way to Braemore that night in my old Good Companions Tent, and climbed A' Chailleach and Sgurr Breac in the Fannaichs the next morning before heading north to Ullapool to stay in the Youth Hostel, where my job had been to catch the warden's daughter's pet rabbits that had escaped the cage in the garden.

John and I repeated the jaunt in May 1995, along with Keith for the first day. We climbed An Teallach from Dundonnell and dropped down to Shenavall. I had met W.H. Murray, the celebrated mountaineer and author, the night before at the premiere of the film Rob Roy that he had scripted. He signed his book for me and, on hearing I was going to Fisherfield, urged me to climb Beinn Dearg Mhor as the finest of the Corbetts. We did, along with Beinn Dearg Beag, topping out at 10 pm on a glorious May evening.  We camped on the descent by Loch Beinn Dearg and then climbed the Fisherfield Six in an anti-clockwise round on another perfect day.

In 2001, Gregor was nearing the end of his Munro round, and the two of us went up in August, climbed An Teallach on a dull, windy day. We started the Fisherfield round, getting as far as the bealach between A' Mhaighdean and Ruadh Stac Mor, where we slept in a cave; the wind was too strong to erect the tent. It rained all night and most of the next day; we thought of bailing out, but after climbing A' A'Mhaighdean and Ruadh Stac Mor the next morning, we decided to give it a go and managed to complete the round in dire conditions before going to the Sail Mor bunkhouse to dry out and recover.

I was with Mark and John in May 2005 on a week when we climbed 28 Munros. We drove up and climbed An Teallach in the afternoon and camped by Lochan na Brathan below Sail Liath. We started the Fisherfield round at 6 am, the next morning, in sparkling conditions that continued until we were on the ascent towards A' Mhaighdean. We arrived at the summit as the heavens opened, and it continued nonstop as we went over Ruadh Stac Mor and took the excellent stalker's path and waded the river back to Shenavall in a thunderstorm.  The tents had been washed out by the fierce rain, and our sleeping bags had absorbed the rain like blotting paper. We bundled them up and retreated to the Sail Mor bunkhouse to dry out. A group of French walkers kindly shared their pasta with us.

My most recent foray was in 2013 from Poolewe. I had wanted to climb three Corbetts as well, so Keith and I started late afternoon, climbed Beinn Airigh Charr on the way to a camp at Carnmore and then made a clockwise circuit of the Fisherfield Munros and Beinn a' Chaisgein Mor in conditions that were better than perfect. A' Mhaighdean was absolutely stunning in the early morning and late evening light, and Beinn Dearg Mhor looked magnificent, a peak to remember for W.H. Murray.  Beinn Lair was in the spotlight of the setting sun and sorely tempting, but it was 10 pm by the time I arrived back at the tent. We had planned to climb it the next day, but heavy rain and low cloud made it seem a sacrilege to climb. We spent the morning walking out in a downpour,  and my desire to revisit these magnificent mountains was undiminished. Gregor's adventure today became my virtual round of Fisherfield as I plotted the route and raided my memory bank.

Shenavall

Beinn Dearg Mor and An Teallach from Am Briseadh

Slioch

Fionn Loch from A'Mhaighdean

Dubh Loch and Fionn Loch

Fuar Loch Mor from Ruadh Stac Mor

Ptarmigan on Ruadh Stac Mor